Online Conferences Should be Better than In-Person Conferences, Not Worse

... but collectively, we haven't yet figured out how.

Yet!

Helen De Cruz and the 2+1 Experiment

The inspired advocacy of the late (dearly missed) Helen De Cruz convinced the American Philosophical Association to try out what they called the "2+1" model for their three annual conferences: two in-person, one remote, with the remote conference rotating among the three divisions (Eastern, Central, Pacific). The plan was to run the experiment for three years. However, a few months ago, after only two years, the APA canceled the 2+1 plan and is returning to ordinary in-person conferencing, citing low attendance and low attendee satisfaction.

This decision was universally bemoaned in a special session on online conferencing held in tribute to Helen in April, at the last (for the foreseeable future) remote meeting of the APA. (Perhaps ironically, it was one of the best-attended sessions in the conference.)

The speakers (I was one) and attendees celebrated the accessibility of online conferences. Online conferences are easier for people with disabilities that make travel difficult, people for whom travel is a financial burden, people who live far from the conference site, and people whose caretaking duties keep them home. By canceling the 2+1 experiment, the APA once again deprioritized the interests of these groups. A second argument emphasized climate change -- all that jet travel.

Still, I see the APA leadership's point. The large majority of conference-goers find in-person conferences more rewarding. I am among that majority. Sitting on Zoom all day watching remote talks is approximately as appealing as waiting all day in a dentist's office under a blaring TV. I'd much rather just read the papers! Or if I'm watching video, at least let it be one I can speed up, pause, and skip.

For me, most of the value in conferencing comes from the personal interactions before and after the talks, the hallway conversations, the dinners together, the little walks outside when we're skipping sessions. Even the sessions themselves, as delivered talks with Q&A, feel somehow more satisfying when you're actually in the same physical space. No remote conferencing tool has yet replaced all of this. I supported Helen's 2+1 plan on grounds of accessibility, but it did feel like a sacrifice of one important thing for another.

Online Conferences Could and Will Become Much Better, but Only If We Try

But -- and this was the gist of my remarks at the De Cruz session -- comparing online conferences now with what online conferences could become is like looking at Usenet in the 1980s and thinking that nothing much more could become of the internet. Just as few people in the 1980s could have imagined Facebook, Uber, and YouTube, few of us now have much idea what online conferencing could become if given the chance to flourish.

So far, there's no real equivalent to running across friends in the hallway and escaping for a coffee down the block. And that exact thing will never be fully duplicated. But other tools encourage one-on-one and small group encounters in online conference applications. In Gathertown, you can move your icon around a virtual space, and if you step close to someone, a shared conversation video window opens. Zoom's breakout rooms enable small groups of attendees in a session to have more personal interactions. No company has quite figured out the right range of tools and interfaces, but I see no reason it couldn't get much better. We have barely begun the experiment.

And the talks themselves... let's be honest. Sitting through a forty-minute talk for a chance to ask one question in a line of ten is not the most appealing or efficient use of an hour. If we're a largish audience confined to a single physical room, maybe that's the best we can do. But the internet could allow much more.

Already Zoom can enrich talks in at least three ways: First, sidebar conversations permit tangents without interrupting the main flow (this could be improved if the conversations were separable and navigable). Second, online resources can be shared: data sets to explore and manipulate, interactive figures, links to other resources, etc. Third, breakout rooms let small groups converse, so that you're not restricted to only listening or asking just one question.

What I want you to imagine is that these features are still the equivalent of the Usenet era. With the right design and engineering, listening to a talk might become a much richer and more active experience, with the audience engaging in parallel while following the speaker. (If you object that this distracts from single-minded focus on the speaker, let me point you toward some informal beeper research I did that suggests that people are primarily attending to the content of a talk only about 25% of the time; further research tends to confirm these initial results.)

As for the hallway meetings, well, the stroll and tete-a-tete over coffee are delightful. But you do have to run into the person or be organized enough to plan ahead. You have to either know each other already or be extraverted enough to approach a stranger. Online conferences might eventually have much better ways of connecting people with mutual interests for one-on-one or small-group conversations.

And if you love walking, as I do, then with good internet connectivity, you could stroll through the park while listening to the talk, keeping your energy up and raising the blood from your calves back into your brain.

I anticipate that eventually, if we give it a good enough try, online conferences will be better overall than in-person conferences, even if not better in every respect -- but only if enough of us try, long enough, and in different ways, with the evolving tools that companies will be inspired to build if we create the market for them.

We have failed to be as good and as visionary as Helen hoped we would be, and as she herself was.

[Helen De Cruz; source]

Age and Fame in Philosophy

A philosophical discussion arc is a curve displaying how frequently a term appears in philosophical journal abstracts, titles, and keywords (compared to a representative universe of common philosophy words). A couple of weeks ago, I posted discussion arcs from the 1940s-2020s for several topics and historical philosophers.

Today, I want to use them to explore my age and fame hypothesis: that philosophers tend to have peak influence at around ages 55-70. Jerry Fodor, for example, received a lot of discussion in the early 1990s, but recently much less:

Fodor was a peaky philosopher in the following sense: His peak discussion rate (1.05%) is much higher -- 12 times higher -- than his recent discussion rate (0.09%).

John Rawls, in contrast, is considerably less peaky (so far), peaking at only 2.7 times the current rate, despite having more time to decline:

Both Fodor and Rawls peak in their late 50s, fitting the pattern I've seen in previous analyses (here and here) that philosophers tend to reach their peak influence around age 55-70.

For today's post I decided to create discussion arcs for 25 philosophers who are highly cited in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: twelve from the Not-So-Silent Generation in philosophy, born 1928-1945, and thirteen from the generation born 1900-1927. I chose the most SEP-cited philosophers from each generation, excluding ones whose last names generate noisy results (sorry, no David Lewis or Bernard Williams). I'll show you their discussion arcs, then do a composite analysis of discussion by age. The charts are a little crowded and blurry on some browsers; clicking on them might work to clarify and enlarge.

Here's the first group:

Some observations:

• Ayer peaks relatively early, but even so, there's significant delay between the publication of his most influential book in 1936, when we was only 26 years old, and peak discussion in the late 1950s, about twenty years later.
• Quine and Popper peak later, in the 1970s, when Quine is in his mid-60s and Popper is in his late 70s.
• All the authors are trailing off by the 2010s, though Quine, Popper, and Tarski less so than the others.

Here's a second group:

• Notice that the vertical axis for this group doesn't rise quite as high as for the previous group, so the scaling isn't the same.
• Dummett has peaks both in the late 1950s (for his early work on causation) and the early 1980s (discussing a wide range of work in metaphysics and philosophy of language).
• Although Anscombe's peak is early, in the early 1960s when she was in her early 40s, unlike any of the other authors, her discussion rate has been steadily rising over the past few decades.

Group three:

• The vertical axis for this group is still lower: Kripke at his peak wasn't as proportionally much discussed by this measure as were Quine or Rawls at their peaks. It's possible that this reflects a flaw in my method. Later in the database, abstracts are more available and longer, and although I attempted to compensate for this by comparing with search result for terms like "mind", "language", and "ethics", it's possible I overcompensated. However, it's also possible that this trend toward lower peaks with younger authors is real. As the field grew larger, there may have been less room for a few thinkers to dominate it as thoroughly.
• Kripke, Nozick, and Searle peak relatively early, compared with most philosophers I have examined -- in the 1970s, when they're in their late 30s to early 40s.
• Though Stalnaker also peaked in the late 1970s, when he was in his late 30s, like Anscombe his has risen in recent decades, and in 2021-2025 he is almost back to his earlier peak.

Finally:

• These authors have had the least time to decline from their peaks. But their discussion rates of .001 to .004 in 2021-2025 are comparable to those from earlier generations (and substantially less than Kripke and Rawls), which suggests that they might have relatively less staying power.
• You'll probably also have noticed it’s a much narrower age band than the others. There's a high density of Silent Generation philosophers cited in the Stanford Encyclopedia, for reasons I discuss here.

In the following graph, I've aggregated discussion rates by age across all of the included authors, with five-year smoothing:

Broadly in line with my previous work, the average peak is in the early 50s to the late 60s -- though as you can see from the graphs above, there's considerable individual variation. Overall, the results might trend a little bit earlier than what I've seen in other analyses, but not by much.

As I've noted elsewhere, peak influence is often a couple of decades after the thinker's most influential work. For example (besides Ayer as described above), Kuhn's and Popper's peaks in the late 1970s were 15-20 years after Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions and about 20 years after the English translation of Popper's Logic of Scientific Discovery.

Philosophy Should Be Among the Most Diverse Disciplines, Not the Least

Philosophy should be among the most diverse of the academic disciplines. Instead, it is among the least diverse.

Philosophical reflection is an essential part of the human condition, of interest to people of all cultures, races, classes, social groups, and body types. Who doesn’t care whether we have immaterial souls that might continue to exist after we have died, about ethical issues such as war and human rights, about what’s worth pursuing in life, about when and how far we should trust scientific authority, about the best forms of government, about the origin and structure of the world? Nothing about these issues – and nothing about philosophy as a discipline devoted to the fundamental questions of human existence – should make it of more interest to one gender rather than another, one cultural group rather than another, or to the able-bodied more than to the disabled.

Yet study after study and testimonial after testimonial show that the culturally privileged are overrepresented in academic philosophy.

[Kandinsky 1913, composition vii; image source]

For example, the self-reported gender of regular members of the American Philosophical Association in 2025 was 70% male, 29% female, and 1% nonbinary/something else. Gender balance has been improving, though slowly: In 2015, the corresponding percentages were 75%, 25%, and 0%. The pipeline into philosophy suggests that change will continue: According to the National Science Foundation’s Survey of Earned Doctorates, 37% of philosophy PhD recipients in 2024 were female. Despite this qualifiedly encouraging trend, philosophy PhDs remain more male than any of the other humanities besides theology and Bible studies and more male than every social science besides economics and finance.

Black people and American Indians are especially underrepresented in U.S. philosophy, and that situation doesn’t appear to be changing at all. In 2025, 4% of regular APA members reported being Black or African American, compared with 14% of the U.S. population. The NSF data suggest no surge of new Black philosophers in the pipeline: the percentage among recent PhD recipients is also 4%. The NSF data show no American Indian or Alaskan Native philosophy PhD recipients in 2024 (though people reporting both American Indian and Hispanic or Latino identities would not appear in this category) and only one in past four years (among 1692 doctorates awarded), although Native Americans constitute nearly 2% of the U.S. population.

Another concern that has recently drawn attention is the linguistic insularity of mainstream Anglophone philosophy – that is, the neglect of work written in other languages. In 2018, three collaborators and I examined citation practices in leading Anglophone journals and found that 97% of citations referred to work originally written in English. Journals published in other languages were much less insular. We also found that 96% of the editorial board members of journals perceived as elite were housed in majority-Anglophone countries. More recently, Uwe Peters and collaborators reported that non-native English speakers face substantial difficulties publishing in English, as is now practically required for gaining an international readership.

The forthcoming book Structural Injustice in Philosophy, edited by Maeve McKeown, Seunghyun Song and Milana Kostić, further documents, and aims to explain, the exclusionary structures of philosophy, not only concerning race, gender, and language, but also class, disability, culture, mobility, sexuality, place of origin, and more.

#

Could a structurally just academic system nonetheless happen to produce such skewed results, always in favor of the already powerful? Let’s not join the long string of bigots who have held that some races, languages, genders, nationalities, classes, or physical types are more intrinsically suited for philosophy than others.

It’s sometimes suggested that academic philosophy is – or is not unreasonably perceived as – a useless luxury, rightly scorned by people lacking cultural privilege. Students from less privileged backgrounds might see studying philosophy, instead of a more financially or practically rewarding discipline, as wasting a precious opportunity to achieve financial security or practical success. But even if this perception were entirely accurate – and I would argue it’s oversimplified – it wouldn’t constitute a genuine alternative to structural injustice. A society in which less privileged students feel less free to study philosophy than business or nursing is already a society with substantial injustice in higher education. The perceived impracticality of the philosophy major is a symptom and mechanism of structural injustice rather than a neutral fact. In a fair society, students who love philosophy wouldn’t be disproportionately deterred by class background.

Even in a completely just society, students and professors will not always populate each discipline in exact proportion to their background rate in the general population. Women might be drawn more to developmental psychology and men to architecture, White people to European history and Black people to African history, or whatever, for innocent reasons. It might be suggested that similarly, philosophical issues just happen to be of more interest to people from culturally powerful groups. I’ve already articulated the flaw in this argument: It strains credulity to suppose that men more than women, or White people more than Black people, or people from the United States more than people from Brazil or China, or sighted people more than blind people, would or should, in a just society, care more about truth, justice, ethics, knowledge, and the fundamental nature of reality. If anything, the opposite might be expected: Those who suffer under existing institutions should be especially motivated to think hard about the reform of those institutions and the cultural presuppositions that undergird them.

Might people from less privileged backgrounds reasonably be expected, even in a just society, to be less interested than others in academia in general, and could this explain the pattern in philosophy? Again, I see no good reason to think so and reason to think the opposite: Professorships offer good salaries (for those who escape the cycle of adjuncting) and offer unusual freedom to explore one’s interests and advocate change. People from less privileged backgrounds might be especially drawn to such opportunities – at least if the career seems genuinely open to them – more so than people from elite backgrounds with many other attractive options. In any case, if the problem were academia as such, and not philosophy in particular, we should see similar disparities across all fields. And while many historically disadvantaged groups continue to be underrepresented in many disciplines, philosophy is more imbalanced than most across a wide range of measures.

#

In a just society, historically underrepresented groups and minority perspectives would be overrepresented rather than underrepresented in philosophy. Academic philosophy should celebrate diversity of opinion, encourage challenges to orthodoxy, and reward fresh perspectives from cultures and life experiences outside the mainstream. We should be eager, not reluctant, to hear from a wide range of voices. We should especially welcome, not create a chilly environment for, people with unusual or culturally atypical or historically neglected ideas, practices, and worldviews. The productive engine of philosophy depends on novelty and difference.

Philosophy is a dialectical discipline that thrives in the clash, reconciliation, and creative synthesis of diverse views; and our views are profoundly shaped by our cultural backgrounds and life experiences. Uniformity dulls our collective philosophical thinking. A fair and flourishing discipline would treasure rather than repel those who have historically been excluded. Consequently, even if every social group were proportionally represented in philosophy, we would still have reason to suspect systemic injustice. The injustices of our discipline will not be overcome until we are collectively eager to hear proportionally more from previously excluded groups than from the privileged and powerful.

Discussion Arcs for Topics and Philosophers

Let's define a discussion arc in philosophy as a curve displaying how frequently a term appears in philosophical journal abstracts, titles, and keywords. Discussion arcs can reveal trends over time, as they come and go.

For example, "ordinary language" was a popular topic of discussion in the 1960s:

[click to enlarge and clarify]

My method: I searched for the term in the abstract, title, or keywords (subject) of articles in Philosopher's Index, in five-year chunks from 1940-1945 to 2021-2025.[1] I then divided the number of hits by a representative universe of hits for abstract or title containing "language", "epistemology", "mind", "metaphysics", "ethics", "moral", "political", "aesthetics", or "logic".[2]

By looking for distinctive terms or phrases connected to particular arguments, we can also track when an argument receives wide uptake. For example, Hilary Putnam's famous "Twin Earth" thought experiment, though originally presented in 1975, didn't receive much immediate uptake, receiving peak discussion in the 1990s:

We can also look for topical trends. If you think artificial intelligence is recently hot, you're right!

The figure also shows a smaller peak in the late 1980s, before the "AI winter" that has recently thawed.

Another thing you might see in the artificial intelligence arc, if you squint, is noise early in the data. This makes sense, since the early data have far fewer hits in the representative universe of articles containing one of the nine keywords: 457 articles in 1940-1945, compared to 33,552 in 2016-2020.

We can also examine the discussion arcs of particular philosophers. Note that "discussion" in the sense I've defined is very different from citation. A philosopher who is cited in passing might have very little influence on the shape of an article. In contrast, if a philosopher's name is explicitly mentioned in the title, abstract, or keywords, that philosopher's work is among the chief topics of the article. Discussion rates and citation rates thus capture different phenomena and will sometimes diverge.

Here are the arcs for the seven "most important Western philosophers of all time", according to a poll by Brian Leiter in 2017.

Notice how much discussion there was of Aristotle in the early 1940s! "Aristotle" alone gets more than a quarter as many hits as the broad disjunctive search for "language" or "epistemology" or "mind" or "metaphysics" or "ethics" or "moral" or "political" or "aesthetics" or "logic". Plato and Kant each also get almost as many as Aristotle.

Since then, there's been a steady decline in the proportion of articles mentioning these prominent historical figures. My sense is that this is due to two factors: first, the decline in the relative prominence of history of philosophy compared to other areas of philosophy; second, a shift within history of philosophy toward considering a broader range of traditions and figures, including non-Western traditions and women philosophers.

It's perhaps also interesting that Kant has declined less than the ancient Greeks, overtaking them as the most discussed philosopher.

I thought I'd finish today with discussion arcs of some more recent historical figures, who peak at different times:

Notice that Russell peaks in the 1940s to 1950s, during which period he is discussed almost as much as Aristotle, Plato, and Kant, who themselves are (as I noted above) discussed in a striking proportion of articles. There is a little false positive noise for Russell (some other people with "Russell" as a first or last name), but my estimate is that about 90% of hits are accurate.

Wittgenstein peaks in the late 1960s, Frege in the early 1980s, and Nietzsche in the early 2000s. Heidegger's influence is moderately steady from the late 1960s to the early 2000s, declining modestly in the past couple of decades.

Perhaps worth mentioning: These data cover a wide range of journals, regardless of prestige. In an analysis a few years ago, I found that the journals conventionally regarded as prestigious mention prominent "analytic" philosophers such as Frege, Wittgenstein, Quine, Chisholm, and Putnam much more frequently than prominent "Continental" philosophers such as Nietzsche, Heidegger, Sartre, Foucault, and Derrida: The analytic/Continental divide is alive and well. There might be other interesting trends to discover if we subdivide the universe of articles.

In a week or two, I'll do a follow up post looking at the discussion arcs of prominent philosophers born 1900-1945, partly to test my "age and fame" hypothesis: that philosophers tend to have their peak influence around ages 55-70.

--------------------------------------------

[1] The data begin in 1940, so I used a six-year chunk for the first period. As of Feb 27, data for 2025 are only about two-thirds complete and there are no data for 2026.

[2] This is not all articles, especially in the early period, where abstracts are less available. The idea is to roughly compensate for having fewer abstracts, and thus fewer opportunities for hits in the early data, by comparing the rate of appearance of the target terms with the rate of appearance of several, but not too many, widely used terms across a variety of philosophical topics.

The Searle Chair

John Searle died a couple weeks ago. Since people are sharing stories, I'll share one of my own.

In the 1990s, as a philosopher of science studying developmental psychology, my dissertation committee initially consisted of Elisabeth Lloyd, Martin Jones, and Alison Gopnik. The topic led me toward philosophy of mind, and Martin graciously suggested that if John Searle was willing to join, I might consider swapping him in.

So I approached Searle, mentioning that Lisa and Alison were the other members. He said, "Alison Gopnik?! Well, I guess it's okay, as long as I don't have to sit in the same room with her."

I thought, wow, he must really hate Alison! But Berkeley dissertations didn't require an oral defense, so indeed he wouldn't have to sit in the same room with her. I took his answer as a yes. Only later did I realize that his comment had a very specific meaning.

To understand this specific meaning, you need to know about the Searle Chair. At the time, the main seminar and meeting room in the Philosophy Department -- the Dennes Room -- had a peculiar and inconvenient layout. There was no seminar table. Up front by the chalkboard was a chair for the person leading the meeting. (I seem to remember it as a little folding chair with a card table, but it might not have been quite as informal as that.) Two elegant but uncomfortable antique couches lined the walls, and the remaining wall featured two large cozy armchairs, separated by a few smaller seats.

One armchair sat awkwardly near the front, angled partly away from the chalkboard. The other occupied the corner by the window, with a commanding view of the room. This corner armchair was plainly the best seat in the house. Everyone called it the Searle Chair, because whenever Searle attended a meeting, that's where he sat. Even if he arrived late, no one dared claim it.

My girlfriend Kim, briefly the graduate student representative at faculty meetings, once saw Barry Stroud make a play for the Searle Chair. Searle was late, so Barry sat in the chair. According to Kim, Searle arrived and practically sat on Barry, then mumbled something grumpy.

Barry, feigning innocence, said "Well, no one was sitting here."

Searle replied that he needed that chair because of his back -- something like "If my back starts hurting too much, I guess I'll just leave." (Indeed, he did have back troubles.)

Barry relented. "Well, if it's about your back...." He relocated to one of the bench couches. Searle settled into the Searle Chair. Order restored!

Later I shared this story with Alison. She said, "Oh, that's very interesting! One time I was at this meeting in the Dennes Room and there was this obviously best chair and no one was sitting in it. I thought, that's weird, so I just sat in it. And then John came in and said something about his back. I said, John, if your back starts hurting, just let me know."

And that, it turns out, is why John Searle didn't want to sit in the same room with Alison Gopnik.

[The Dennes Room as it looks now, with John Searle's photo in the corner that used to house the Searle Chair. Images sources: here and here]

People with Unusual, Minority, Culturally Atypical, or Historically Underrepresented Experiences and Worldviews Should be Overrepresented in Philosophy, Rather than Underrepresented

Saturday's post finding that only 16% of Authors in Elite Philosophy Journals Are Women brought out the misogynist bros on Twitter, but also some remarks from well-meaning people along the lines of "maybe women (ethnic minorities, etc.) just aren't that interested in philosophy".

I expressed my rejection of this perspective in a post for the Blog of the APA in 2020. Perhaps it warrants reposting:

There is nothing about philosophy, as a type of inquiry into fundamental facts about our world, that should make it more attractive to White men than to Black women. Philosophical reflection is an essential part of the human condition, of interest to people of all cultures, races, classes, and social groups. If our discipline and society were in a healthy, egalitarian condition, we should, in fact, expect people from minority groups to be overrepresented in academic philosophy, rather than underrepresented. Academic philosophy should celebrate diversity of opinion, encourage challenges to orthodoxy, and reward fresh perspectives that come from inhabiting cultures and having life experiences different from the mainstream. We should be eager, not reluctant, to hear from a wide range of voices. We should especially welcome, rather than create an inhospitable or cool environment for, people with unusual or minority or culturally atypical or historically underrepresented experiences and worldviews. The productive engine of philosophy depends on novelty and difference.

Further Reflections on the Most-Cited Works in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Underranked Works and Concentration Percentage

A couple of weeks ago, I published a list of the 253 most-cited works since 1900 in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. (The SEP had 1778 main-page entries as of my scrape last summer, and many of those entries have long reference lists.) Citation in the SEP is plausibly a better measure of impact in mainstream Anglophone philosophy than other bibliometric measures like Google Scholar and SCOPUS, which include citations by non-philosophical sources (which can dominate citations within philosophy, since philosophy is overall a relatively low-citation field) and which mix citation by sociologically elite venues with citation by less elite venues (and those citation patterns can be very different).

I think informed readers will tend to agree that the works near the top of the list (Rawls' Theory of Justice, Kripke's Naming and Necessity, etc.) are indeed among the most influential works in the mainstream Anglophone tradition -- more influential in mainstream Anglophone philosophy than, say, Foucault's Discipline and Punish or Popper's Logic of Scientific Discovery, despite Foucault's and Popper's higher citation overall across all disciplines and sources.

(What do I mean by "mainstream Anglophone philosophy"? I mean philosophy as practiced by professors in departments highly ranked in the Philosophical Gourmet Report, as published in journals that are highly ranked in Brian Leiter's polls (e.g., here), and -- though this would be circular for present purposes -- as recognized in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Even readers who dislike the philosophy of this tradition, or who see it as troublingly narrow, can I think recognize the sociological phenomenon of influence in these related ecologies, reasonably called "mainstream" in Anglophone academia.)

Underranked Works

Although SEP citation rates are, I think, a better measure of impact in mainstream Anglophone philosophy than any other existing bibliometric measure, that doesn't mean they are perfect. Works with a huge impact on a subdiscipline, or on a particular topic, will plausibly be underranked compared to works with substantial impact across a range of areas. The SEP will have only a limited number of entries for each subdiscipline or topic, and no matter how important the work is to that subdiscipline or topic, it can appear only once in each entry's bibliography.

This explains, I think, the relatively weak showings of some of the best-known articles in the field. For example:

119th (tied), 21 citations: Gettier, Edmund L., 1963, Is Justified True Belief Knowledge?

192nd (tied), 17 citations: Anscombe, G.E.M., 1958, Modern Moral Philosophy

unranked, 14 citations: Searle, John R, 1980, Minds, Brains, and Programs

unranked, 12 citations: Singer, Peter, 1972, Famine, Affluence, and Morality

unranked, 9 citations: Thomson, Judith Jarvis, 1971, A Defense of Abortion

This isn't intended as any kind of exhaustive or representative list of underranked works -- just a few examples that struck me as conspicuously underranked relative to their influence. Gettier's 1963 article is possibly the most influential work of 20th century epistemology (in mainstream Anglophone circles). Anscombe's 1958 article is often seen as a landmark in the resurgence of virtue ethics. Searle's 1980 "Chinese room" argument is perhaps the most influential work on philosophy of computation and artificial intelligence after Turing. Likewise, Singer's 1972 article on charitable donation (with its famous example of rescuing a drowning child in a nearby pond at the expense of your clothes) and Thomson's defense of abortion (with its violinist example) are known to virtually all mainstream Anglophone philosophers.

Works might also be underranked if the SEP has relatively few entries in their field or subfield. For example, I'd venture that epistemology has relatively few entries relative to its overall influence in mainstream Anglophone philosophy. And although feminism has probably been somewhat more influential in mainstream Anglophone philosophy than philosophy of race, SEP features many more entries on the former than the latter, possibly explaining why some important feminist works appear on the list (e.g., Butler's Gender Trouble at rank #61), while philosophy of race is poorly represented.

Influential authors and ideas might also fail to appear on this list, if the influence is spread among several works. For example, here are the ten most-cited authors who have no individual works represented among the top 253:

John Hawthorne (97 total citations)
Jonathan Bennett (83)
William Alston (77)
Judith Jarvis Thomson (72)
William G. Lycan (71)
Nicholas Rescher (71)
Peter Singer (71)
Ernest Sosa (69)
Jeremy Waldron (68)
Joel Feinberg (67)
Amartya Sen (67)

All of the above are among the top 86 most-cited authors born since 1900. So of course no negative inference about the importance of any individual author is justified by the absence that author's individual works from the works list.

What Percentage of an Author's Citations Are to Their Most-Cited Work?

By comparing my most-cited authors list with my most-cited works list, we can get a rough measure of how much an author's impact is concentrated in a single work vs. spread across multiple works. (Note that the lists are not quite comparable, since the authors list includes only authors born 1900 or later while the works list includes all works published 1900 or later, including works by authors born before 1900.)

Consider, for example, Thomas Kuhn. His Structure of Scientific Revolutions was one of the most influential works of philosophy of the second half of the 20th century. Fittingly, it appears 9th on my list of most influential works. But Kuhn himself appears relatively low on the list of most influential authors: 63rd. Looking at the raw numbers, we can see that 58 entries cite Structure and 71 entries cite any work by Kuhn. Thus, 82% of the Kuhn-citing entries cite Structure.

Contrast this with, say, David Lewis, who is the #1 most-cited contemporary author overall (with 307 entries citing his work) and whose most-cited work, On The Plurality of Worlds, ranks #6 (70 citing entries). For Lewis, 23% (70/307) of the entries that cite him cite his most-cited work.

I can't seem to think of a good name for this number, so I'll have to settle with a bad name: the concentration percentage. Here are the concentration percentages of the ten most-cited contemporary authors in the SEP:

1. Lewis, David K.: 23% (70/307)
2. Quine, Willard van Orman: 32% (69/213)
3. Putnam, Hilary: 24% (45/190)
4. Rawls, John: 76% (127/168)
5. Kripke, Saul A.: 58% (92/159)
6. Williamson, Timothy: 32% (48/152)
7. Davidson, Donald: 21% (31/151)
8. Williams, Bernard: 22% (32/146)
9. Nussbaum, Martha C.: 19% (26/140)
10. Nagel, Thomas: 24% (33/137)

Thus, we can see two clusters: A couple of authors had most of their citation impact through a single work: Rawls (via A Theory of Justice) and Kripke (via Naming and Necessity). The remaining authors had about a third to a fifth of their citation impact through a single work.

Among the top hundred authors, the ten most concentrated are:

Kuhn, Thomas S. (82%: Structure of Scientific Revolutions)
Rawls, John (76%: A Theory of Justice)
Parfit, Derek (71%: Reasons and Persons)
Scanlon, Thomas M. (66%: What We Owe to Each Other)
Kaplan, David (65%: Demonstratives)
Ryle, Gilbert (61%: The Concept of Mind)
Kripke, Saul A. (58%: Naming and Necessity)
Ayer, Alfred J. (54%: Language, Truth, and Logic)
Nozick, Robert (53%: Anarchy, State, and Utopia)
Evans, Gareth (53%: Varieties of Reference)

I confess to being surprised that some of these percentages aren't even higher. For example, I'd have guessed Ryle's impact was more than 61% concentrated on The Concept of Mind.

The ten least concentrated are:

Bennett, Jonathan (16%)
Pettit, Philip (16%)
Harman, Gilbert H. (16%)
Hawthorne, John (15%)
Thomson, Judith Jarvis (15%)
Lowe, E. J. (15%)
Waldron, Jeremy (15%)
Feinberg, Joel (13%)
Yablo, Stephen (13%)
Rescher, Nicholas (6%)

I'll venture a prediction. According to the phenomenon I've labeled "The Winnowing of Greats", the greater your distance from a group that varies in eminence, the greater the difference seems between the most eminent members of that group and the less eminent members. (This is to some extent because you have zero knowledge of most members below a certain level of eminence and to some extent because you overrely on second-hand summaries that highlight a few of the most eminent examples.) If this winnowing phenomenon applies to works as well as to authors, then as time creates distance from our era, all but the most influential works will largely be forgotten -- which will disproportionately favor highly concentrated authors in the historical memory.

[click image to enlarge and clarify]

The Gender and Race/Ethnicity of Authors of the Most-Cited Works of Mainstream Anglophone Philosophy

As is well-known, mainstream Anglophone philosophy has tended to be overwhelmingly non-Hispanic White -- though there's some evidence of recent changes in the student population which might start to trickle into the professoriate. Generally, the higher the level of prestige, the more skewed the ratios. In my 2024 analysis of the 376 most-cited authors in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, I found that women or nonbinary authors constituted 12% of the list and Hispanic or non-White authors constituted 3%.

How well represented are these groups among authors of the 253 most-cited works in the Stanford Encyclopedia? Here, the skew is even more extreme. Of the 265 included work-author combinations (almost all of the included works are solo-authored), I count 24 works (9%) by women, 2 (1%) non-binary authored works (both by Judith Butler), one (0.4%) by a Hispanic/Latino person (Linda Martín Alcoff), one (0.4%) by an Asian (Jaegwon Kim), and none by any authors that are known by me to identify or be perceived as Black or African American, American Indian / Alaska Native, or Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander (using the race/ethnicity categories of the US Census). Corrections welcome if I'm misclassified anyone!

Here it is as a pie chart. If you squint, you might be able to see the lines for the Hispanic or non-White groups.

[pie chart comparing 236 non-Hispanic White men with 25 non-Hispanic White women or nonbinary, 1 Hispanic or non-White man, and 1 Hispanic or non-White woman or nonbinary]

The 253 Most Cited Works in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

Last summer, Jordan Jackson and I scraped the bibliographies of all the main-page entries of the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, the leading source of review articles in mainstream Anglophone philosophy. Since 2010, I've been analyzing citation patterns in the SEP. Generally, I find SEP citation rates to more plausibly measure influence in mainstream Anglophone philosophy than other bibliometric measures, such those derived from Web of Science or Google Scholar. (For example, by the SEP method the top five most cited philosophers born 1900 or later are David Lewis, W.V.O. Quine, Hilary Putnam, John Rawls, and Saul Kripke.)

Most of my SEP-based analyses aggregate by author, but it's also revealing to aggregate by work cited, for a couple of reasons. First, my author-based analyses probably overstate the influence of authors with moderate impact across many fields compared to authors with transformative impact in just one or a few fields. Second, tracking influential works is an interesting project in its own right.

Before proceeding to the list, notes and caveats.

(1.) Each work counts once per main-page bibliographic entry in the SEP. Thus, a work with a total of 33 is cited in 33 different main page entries. Subpage entries are not included.

(2.) What counts as the "same work"? The distinction admits vague and contentious cases, and implementing it mechanically raises further problems. Here's what I did: To count as the same work, the work had to begin with exactly the same title words (excluding punctuation marks, "a", "an", or "the"). Later editions were counted as the same work as earlier editions (including a few cases of "such-and-such revisited" or the like) and articles republished in collections were counted as the same work if the particular article rather than the collection as a whole was cited. Also, works that appeared first as articles then later were expanded into books with the same or similar title were counted as the same work. Multi-volume works counted as the same work, unless the title was "Complete Works" or similar.

(3.) I only included works with publication dates from 1900-2024. Older works tend not to be cited in a consistent, easily scraped format, so results for those works are inaccurate and potentially misleading.

(4.) I did not attempt to match works cited both in English and in their original language. Some translated works make the list simply in virtue of citation under their English-language title; and some untranslated works make the list simply in virtue of citation under their original-language title. Obviously, this systematically undercounts works that are cited under both their English and original-language titles.

(4.) Citations in the role of editor are not included.

(5.) Please excuse the haphazard cut-and-paste formatting. Dates are sometimes first appearance, sometimes later appearance or edition or translation.

(6.) Technical details: The matching algorithm looked for matches in the first four letters of the author's name and the first five letters of the first text appearing after numbers, punctuation marks, "the", "an", or "a", which for standardly formatted entries is the title. I then alphabetically sorted and hand-checked all bibliographic lines with at least 15 exact matches of both of the two parameters. This took several hours and was probably imperfect, but was not as difficult as it might seem. Note also: The scrape was conducted last summer, so recent entries and recent updates won't figure into the totals.

(7.) Corrections welcome, as long as they are consistent with the principles above and don't constitute a general revision, unsystematically applied on one author's behalf, of the method described in the technical details.

(8.) I'll follow up, probably in the next week or two, with some reflections on the list.

(9.) You can see the 2020 results here.

ETA Apr 9: Two follow-up posts:

The Gender and Race/Ethnicity of Authors of the Most-Cited Works of Mainstream Anglophone Philosophy (Mar 31)

Further Reflections on the Most-Cited Works in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Underranked Works and Concentration Percentage (Apr 8)

[cover of Rawls's A Theory of Justice]

1. (127 citing entries) Rawls, John, 1971, A Theory of Justice
2. (92) Kripke, Saul, 1972, Naming and Necessity
3. (79) Parfit, Derek, 1984, Reasons and Persons
4. (72) Nozick, Robert, 1974, Anarchy, State, and Utopia
5. (71) Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 1953 [2001], Philosophical Investigations
6. (70) Lewis, David, 1986, On the Plurality of Worlds
7. (69) Quine, W. V. O., 1960. Word and Object
8. (67) Scanlon, T. M., 1998, What We Owe to Each Other
9. (58) Kuhn, Thomas S., 1962, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
10. (57) Rawls, John, 1996, Political Liberalism
11. (54) Chalmers, David J., 1996, The Conscious Mind
12. (49) Russell, Betrand, 1903, The Principles of Mathematics
13. (48) Lewis, David, 1973. Counterfactuals
13. (48) Sidgwick, Henry, 1907, The Methods of Ethics
13. (48) Williamson, Timothy, 2000, Knowledge and its Limits
16. (47) Kaplan, David, 1977, Demonstratives
16. (47) Moore, G.E., 1903, Principia Ethica
18. (45) Putnam, Hilary, 1975, The Meaning of "Meaning"
18. (45) Quine, W.V.O., 1951, Two Dogmas of Empiricism
20. (43) Jackson, Frank, 1998, From Metaphysics to Ethics
21. (41) Ayer, A.J., 1936, Language, Truth and Logic
22. (39) Carnap, Rudolf, 1956, Meaning and necessity
22. (39) Ross, W.D., 1931, The Right and the Good
22. (39) Ryle, Gilbert, 1949. The Concept of Mind
22. (39) van Fraassen, Bas C., 1980, The Scientific Image
26. (37) Dummett, Michael, 1973, Frege: Philosophy of Language
26. (37) Evans, Gareth, 1982, The Varieties of Reference
26. (37) Mackie, J. L., 1977, Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong
26. (37) Russell, Bertrand, 1905, On Denoting
26. (37) Whitehead, Alfred North and Bertrand Russell, 1910-1913, Principia Mathematica
31. (36) Goodman, Nelson, 1954. Fact, Fiction and Forecast
32. (35) Popper, Karl R., 1959, The Logic of Scientific Discovery
32. (35) Wittgenstein, L., 1922, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus
34. (34) Fodor, Jerry A., 1987, Psychosemantics
34. (34) Korsgaard, Christine M., 1996, Sources of Normativity
34. (34) Lewis, David K., 1969, Convention: A Philosophical Study
34. (34) Nozick, Robert, 1981, Philosophical Explanations
34. (34) Raz, Joseph, 1986, The Morality of Freedom
34. (34) Woodward, James, 2003, Making Things Happen
40. (33) Gauthier, David, 1986, Morals by Agreement
40. (33) McDowell, John, 1994, Mind and World
40. (33) Nagel, Thomas, 1986, The View from Nowhere
40. (33) Russell, Bertrand, 1912, The Problems of Philosophy
44. (32) Parfit, Derek, 2017, On What Matters
44. (32) Williams, Bernard, 1985, Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy
46. (31) Davidson, Donald, 1980, Essays on Actions and Events
46. (31) Gibbard, Allan, 1990, Wise Choices, Apt Feelings
46. (31) Strawson, P.F., 1959. Individuals
49. (29) Finnis, John. M, 1980, Natural Law and Natural Rights
49. (29) Fricker, Miranda, 2007, Epistemic Injustice
49. (29) Longino, Helen E., 1990, Science as Social Knowledge
52. (28) Anscombe, G. E. M., 1957, Intention
52. (28) Brandom, Robert B., 1994, Making It Explicit
52. (28) Jackson, Frank, 1982, Epiphenomenal Qualia
52. (28) Pearl, Judea, 2000, Causality: Models, Reasoning, and Inference
52. (28) Plantinga, Alvin, 1974, The Nature of Necessity
52. (28) Quine, W. V. O., 1948, On What There Is
52. (28) Rawls, John, 2001, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement
52. (28) Sellars, Wilfrid, 1956, Empiricism and the philosophy of mind
52. (28) van Inwagen, Peter, 1990, Material Beings
61. (27) Armstrong, David M., 1997, A World of States of Affairs
61. (27) Butler, Judith, 1990, Gender Trouble
61. (27) Dennett, Daniel C., 1991, Consciousness Explained
61. (27) Dretske, Fred I., 1981, Knowledge and the Flow of Information
61. (27) Hare, R.M., 1952, The Language of Morals
61. (27) Lewis, David, 1983, New Work for a Theory of Universals
61. (27) Millikan, Ruth Garrett, 1984, Language, Thought, and Other Biological Categories
61. (27) Nagel, Thomas, 1974, What is It Like to Be a Bat?
61. (27) Smith, Michael, 1994, The Moral Problem
61. (27) Young, Iris Marion, 1990, Justice and the Politics of Difference
71. (26) Carnap, Rudolf, 1950, Logical Foundations of Probability
71. (26) Frankfurt, Harry, 1971, Freedom of the Will and the Concept of a Person
71. (26) Grice, Herbert Paul, 1989, Studies in the Way of Words
71. (26) Jeffrey, Richard C., 1965 [1983], The Logic of Decision
71. (26) Kripke, Saul, 1982, Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language
71. (26) Nussbaum, Martha C., 2006, Frontiers of Justice
71. (26) Searle, John R., 1983, Intentionality
78. (25) Anderson, Elizabeth S., 1999, What Is the Point of Equality?
78. (25) Armstrong, David M., 1968, A Materialist Theory of Mind
78. (25) Dworkin, Ronald, 1977, Taking Rights Seriously
78. (25) Fodor, Jerry A., 1975, The Language of Thought
78. (25) Hart, H.L.A., 1961, The Concept of Law
78. (25) Hempel, Carl G., 1965, Aspects of Scientific Explanation
78. (25) Kneale, William and Martha Kneale, 1962. The Development of Logic
78. (25) MacIntyre, Alasdair, 1984. After Virtue
78. (25) Nagel, Ernest, 1961, The Structure of Science
78. (25) Ramsey, Frank P., 1931, Truth and Probability
78. (25) Rawls, John, 1999, The Law of Peoples
78. (25) Russell, Bertrand, 1918/1919, The Philosophy of Logical Atomism
78. (25) Stalnaker, Robert, 1984, Inquiry
78. (25) Williamson, Timothy, 2007, The Philosophy of Philosophy
92. (24) Blackburn, Simon, 1998, Ruling Passions
92. (24) Brink, David O., 1989. Moral Realism and the Foundations of Ethics
92. (24) Burge, Tyler, 1979, Individualism and the Mental
92. (24) Dupré, John, 1993, The Disorder of Things
92. (24) Fine, Kit, 1994, Essence and Modality
92. (24) Hare, R.M., 1981, Moral Thinking
92. (24) Lewis, D., 1986, Philosophical Papers
92. (24) Quine, W. V. O., 1970, Philosophy of Logic
100. (23) Carnap, Rudolf, 1950, Empiricism, Semantics, and Ontology
100. (23) Cartwright, Nancy, 1983, How the laws of physics lie
100. (23) Gilligan, Carol, 1982, In a Different Voice
100. (23) Griffin, James, 1986, Well-Being: its Meaning, Measurement, and Moral Importance
100. (23) Kitcher, Philip, 1993, The Advancement of Science
100. (23) Putnam, Hilary, 1981, Reason, Truth and History
100. (23) Savage, Leonard J., 1954, The Foundations of Statistics
100. (23) Searle, John R., 1969, Speech Acts
100. (23) Shafer-Landau, Russ, 2005, Moral Realism
100. (23) Spirtes, Peter, Clark Glymour, and Richard Scheines, 1993, Causation, Prediction, and Search
100. (23) Stalnaker, Robert C., 1968, A Theory of Conditionals
100. (23) Turing, Alan M., 1936 [1965], On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem
112. (22) Davidson, Donald, 1963. Actions, Reasons, Causes
112. (22) Dretske, Fred, 1995, Naturalizing the Mind
112. (22) Fodor, Jerry A., 1983, Modularity of Mind
112. (22) Machamer, Peter, Lindley Darden, and Carl F. Craver, 2000, Thinking about Mechanisms
112. (22) Street, Sharon, 2006, A Darwinian Dilemma for Realist Theories of Value
112. (22) van Fraassen, Bas C., 1989, Laws and Symmetry
112. (22) Zalta, Edward N., 1983, Abstract Objects
119. (21) Alcoff, Linda Martin, 2006. Visible Identities
119. (21) Brandt, Richard B., 1979, A Theory of the Good and the Right
119. (21) Cartwright, Nancy, 1999, The Dappled World
119. (21) Dawkins, Richard, 1976, The Selfish Gene
119. (21) Dworkin, Ronald, 1986, Law's Empire,
119. (21) Field, Hartry, 1989, Realism, Mathematics and Modality
119. (21) Fodor, Jerry A., 1974, Special Sciences (or: The Disunity of Science as a Working Hypothesis)
119. (21) Gettier, Edmund L., 1963, Is Justified True Belief Knowledge?
119. (21) Longino, H. 2001, The Fate of Knowledge
119. (21) Nussbaum, Martha C., 2000. Women and Human Development
119. (21) Okin, Susan Moller, 1989, Justice, Gender, and the Family
119. (21) Sober, Elliott and David Wilson, 1998, Unto Others
119. (21) Strawson, Peter F., 1962, Freedom and Resentment
119. (21) Tye, Michael, 1995, Ten Problems of Consciousness
119. (21) Walzer, Michael, 1983, Spheres of Justice
119. (21) Wiggins, David, 1980, Sameness and Substance
135. (20) Austin, J.L., 1962, How to Do Things with Words
135. (20) Chisholm, Roderick M., 1957, Perceiving
135. (20) Dancy, Jonathan, 2004, Ethics Without Principles
135. (20) Darwall, Stephen, 2006. The Second-Person Standpoint
135. (20) Davidson, Donald, 1984, Inquiries into truth and interpretation
135. (20) Dennett, Daniel C., 1987, The Intentional Stance
135. (20) Dworkin, Ronald, 2000. Sovereign Virtue
135. (20) Feyerabend, Paul K., 1975, Against Method
135. (20) Gödel, Kurt, 1931, Über formal unentscheidbare Sätze der Principia Mathematica und verwandter Systeme I
135. (20) Husserl, Edmund, 1900-01, Logische Untersuchungen
135. (20) Quine, Willard Van Orman, 1953, From A Logical Point of View
135. (20) Reichenbach, Hans, 1938, Experience and Prediction
135. (20) Rorty, Richard, 1979, Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature
135. (20) Rosen, Gideon, 2010, Metaphysical Dependence
135. (20) Wright, Crispin, 1983, Frege's Conception of Numbers as Objects
135. (20) Zalta, Edward N., 1988, Intensional Logic and the Metaphysics of Intentionality
151. (19) Anderson, Alan and Nuel Belnap, 1975, Entailment: The logic of relevance and necessity
151. (19) Blackburn, Simon, 1984. Spreading the Word
151. (19) Blackburn, Simon, 1993, Essays in Quasi-Realism
151. (19) Chisholm, Roderick M., 1976, Person and Object
151. (19) Craver, Carl F., 2007, Explaining the Brain
151. (19) Fischer, John Martin and Ravizza, Mark, 1998. Responsibility and Control
151. (19) Grice, H. P., 1975, Logic and Conversation
151. (19) Hintikka, Jaakko, 1962, Knowledge and Belief
151. (19) Keynes, John Maynard, 1921, A Treatise on Probability
151. (19) Lewis, David, 1979, Attitudes De Dicto and De Se
151. (19) Parsons, Terence, 1980, Nonexistent Objects
151. (19) Pogge, Thomas, 2002 [2008], World Poverty and Human Rights
151. (19) Priest, Graham, 1987, In Contradiction
151. (19) Salmon, Nathan, 1986, Frege's Puzzle
151. (19) Sider, Theodore, 2001, Four-Dimensionalism
151. (19) Tarski, A., 1983, Logic, Semantics, Metamathematics
151. (19) Thomasson, Amie L., 1999, Fiction and Metaphysics
151. (19) Williamson, Timothy, 2013. Modal Logic as Metaphysics
169. (18) Armstrong, D., 1989, Universals: An Opinionated Introduction
169. (18) Barnes, Jonathan, 1982, The Presocratic Philosophers
169. (18) Chisholm, Roderick M., 1966, Theory of Knowledge
169. (18) Fodor, J., 1992, A Theory of Content and Other Essays
169. (18) Gibbard, Allan, 2003, Thinking How to Live
169. (18) Goodman, Nelson, 1968, Languages of Art
169. (18) Hacking, Ian, 1983, Representing and Intervening
169. (18) Harman, Gilbert, 1986, Change in View
169. (18) Hilbert, David and Wilhelm Ackermann, 1928, Grundzüge der Theoretischen Logik
169. (18) Kahneman, Daniel, 2011, Thinking, Fast and Slow
169. (18) Kittay, Eva Feder, 1999, Love's Labor
169. (18) Lewis, David K., 1991, Parts of Classes
169. (18) Lewis, David, 1973, Causation
169. (18) Moore, G. E., 1912. Ethics
169. (18) Noë, Alva, 2004, Action in Perception
169. (18) Prior, Arthur N., 1967, Past, Present and Future
169. (18) Salmon, Wesley, 1984, Scientific Explanation and the Causal Structure of the World
169. (18) Schaffer, Jonathan, 2009, On What Grounds What
169. (18) Searle, John R., 1992, The Rediscovery of the Mind
169. (18) Stich, Stephen P., 1983, From folk psychology to cognitive science
169. (18) Taylor, Charles, 1989, Sources of the Self
169. (18) Walton, Kendall, 1990, Mimesis as Make-Believe
169. (18) Wright, Crispin, 1992, Truth and Objectivity
192. (17) Annas, Julia, 1993, The Morality of Happiness
192. (17) Anscombe, G.E.M., 1958, Modern Moral Philosophy
192. (17) Benacerraf, Paul, 1973, Mathematical Truth
192. (17) Carnap, Rudolf, 1928. Der logische Aufbau der Welt
192. (17) Davidson, Donald, 1970, Mental Events
192. (17) Dretske, Fred, 1988, Explaining behavior
192. (17) Field, Hartry, 1980, Science Without Numbers
192. (17) Goldman, Alvin, 1979, What is Justified Belief?
192. (17) Graham, Angus C., 1989, Disputers of the Tao
192. (17) Grice, H. P., 1957, Meaning
192. (17) Guthrie, W.K.C., 1962-1981, A History of Greek Philosophy
192. (17) Hooker, Brad, 2000, Ideal Code, Real World
192. (17) Howson, Colin and Peter Urbach, 2006, Scientific Reasoning
192. (17) Hull, David L., 1988, Science as a Process
192. (17) Kagan, Shelly, 1989, The Limits of Morality
192. (17) Kim, Jaegwon, 1998, Mind in a Physical World
192. (17) Kleene, Stephen Cole, 1952, Introduction to Metamathematics
192. (17) Lewis, David, 1980, A Subjectivist's Guide to Objective Chance
192. (17) List, Christian and Philip Pettit, 2011, Group Agency
192. (17) MacKinnon, Catherine, 1989, Towards a Feminist Theory of the State
192. (17) Marr, David, 1982, Vision
192. (17) Peacocke, Christopher, 1992, A Study of Concepts
192. (17) Plantinga, Alvin, 2000, Warranted Christian Belief
192. (17) Ross, W.D., 1939, Foundations of Ethics
192. (17) Russell, B., 1914, Our Knowledge of the External World
192. (17) Schneewind, J. B., 1998. The Invention of Autonomy
192. (17) Tarski, Alfred, 1935, The Concept of Truth in Formalized Languages
192. (17) van Inwagen, Peter, 1983. An Essay on Free Will
192. (17) Von Neumann, John and Oskar Morgenstern, 1944, Theory of Games and Economic Behavior
221. (16) Adams, Robert Merrihew, 1994, Leibniz
221. (16) Armstrong, D. M., 1978, Universals and Scientific Realism
221. (16) Axelrod, Robert and William D. Hamilton, 1981, The Evolution of Cooperation
221. (16) Butler, Judith, 1993. Bodies That Matter
221. (16) Churchland, Paul M., 1981, Eliminative materialism and the propositional attitudes
221. (16) Clark, Andy and David J. Chalmers, 1998, The Extended Mind
221. (16) Dummett, Michael, 1991, The Logical Basis of Metaphysics
221. (16) Fine, Kit, 2001, The Question of Realism
221. (16) Frankfurt, Harry, 1988. The Importance of What We Care About
221. (16) Frege, Gottlob, 1918/1956, The Thought: A Logical Inquiry
221. (16) Geach, Peter, 1962, Reference and Generality
221. (16) Gödel, Kurt, 1944, Russell's Mathematical Logic
221. (16) Hare, R. M., 1963. Freedom and Reason
221. (16) Horgan, Terence and John Tienson, 2002, The Intentionality of Phenomenology and the Phenomenology of Intentionality
221. (16) Irwin, Terence. H., 2008, The Development of Ethics
221. (16) Joyce, James M., 1999, The Foundations of Causal Decision Theory
221. (16) Kane, Robert, 1996, The Significance of Free Will
221. (16) Lipton, Peter, 1971 [2003], Inference to the Best Explanation
221. (16) Lloyd, Genevieve, 1984, The Man of Reason
221. (16) McMahan, Jeff, 2002, The Ethics of Killing
221. (16) Mellor, D.H., 1981, Real Time
221. (16) Perry, John, 1979, The Problem of the Essential Indexical
221. (16) Popper, Karl, 1962. Conjectures and refutations
221. (16) Raz, J., 1990. Practical reason and norms
221. (16) Russell, Bertrand, 1927, The Analysis of Matter
221. (16) Sandel, Michael J., 1982. Liberalism and the Limits of Justice
221. (16) Scheffler, Samuel, 1982, The Rejection of Consequentialism
221. (16) Stalnaker, Robert, 1978, Assertion
221. (16) Stevenson, Charles L., 1944, Ethics and Language
221. (16) Swinburne, Richard, 1977, The Coherence of Theism
221. (16) Tye, Michael, 2000, Consciousness, Color, and Content
221. (16) Williams, Bernard, 1981, Moral Luck
221. (16) Williams, George C., 1966, Adaptation and Natural Selection

Age and Philosophical Fame in the Early Twentieth Century

In previous work, I've found that eminent philosophers tend to do their most influential work when they are in their 40s (though the age range has a wider spread than eminent scientists, who rarely do their most influential work in their 50s or later).  I have also found some data suggesting that philosophers tend to be discussed most when they are about age 55-70, well after they produce their most influential work.  It seems to take about 15-20 years, on average, for a philosopher's full import to be felt by the field.

I was curious to see if the pattern holds for philosophers born 1850-1899, whom we can examine systematically using the new Edhiphy tool.  (Edhiphy captures mentions of philosophers' names in articles in leading philosophy journals, 1890-1980.)

Here's what I did:

First, I had Edhiphy output the top-50 most-mentioned philosophers from 1890-1980, limited to philosophers with recorded birthyear from 1850-1899.[1]  For each philosopher, I went to their Ediphy profile and had Edhiphy output a graph showing the number of articles in which that philosopher was cited per year.  For example, here's the graph for George Santayana (1863-1952):

[Articles mentioning George Santayana per year, in a few selected philosophy journals, per Edhiphy; click to enlarge and clarify]

I then recorded the peak year for each philosopher (1928 for Santayana).  As you can see, the display is a little visually confusing, so it's possible that in some cases my estimate was off by a year.

One complication is that there are many more total mentions of philosophers in the later decades than the earlier decades -- partly due to more articles in the database for later decades, but probably also partly due to changes in citation practices.  Still, most authors (like Santayana) show enough decline over time that late citations don't swamp their first peak.  So instead of trying to introduce a systematic adjustment to discount later mentions I simply recorded the raw peak.  For the thirteen philosophers with more than one equal-valued peak, I took the earlier year (e.g., John Dewey was mentioned in 48 articles in both 1940 and 1951, so I treated 1940 as his peak).

In accord with previous work, I found that philosophers' peak discussion tended to occur late in life.  The median age at peak discussion was 67.5 (mean 68.8).

Four outliers peaked over age 100: David Hilbert (112), Pierre Duhem (114), Giuseppe Peano (116), and Karl Pearson (121).  However, it's probably fair to say that none of these four was primarily known as a philosopher in their lifetimes: Hilbert, Peano, and Pearson were mathematicians and Duhem a physicist.  Almost everyone else on the list is primarily known as a philosopher, so these four are not representative.  Excluding these outliers, the median is 66.5 and mean is 64.7, and no one peaked after age 90.

Three philosophers peaked by age 40: Ralph Barton Perry (peaked at age 35 in 1911), C. D. Broad (peaked at age 40 in 1927), and William Pepperell Montague (peaked at age 40 in 1913).  Broad's early peak -- as you can see from the graph below -- is due to an outlier year, without which his peak would have been much later.  On the other hand, given the overall increase in mentions over time, we should probably be discounting the later decades anyway.

[Edhiphy citations of C.D. Broad; click to enlarge and clarify]

Six philosophers peaked age 44 to 49; five peaked in their 50s; 14 in their 60s; 10 in their 70s; and 8 in their 80s.

You might wonder whether the philosophers who peaked late also produced their most influential work late.  There is a trend in this direction.  Hans Reichenbach, who peaked in 1978 at age 87, produced his most cited work in 1938 (at age 47).  L. J. Russell, who peaked in 1970 at age 86, appears to have produced his most cited work in 1942 (at age 58).  Edmund Husserl, who peaked in 1941 at age 82, produced his most cited work in 1913 (at age 54)  John Dewey, who peaked in 1940 at age 81, produced his most cited work in 1916 (at age 57).  Ernst Cassirer, who peaked in 1955 at age 81 produced his most-cited work in 1944 (at age 70).  Still, for all but Cassirer the delay between most-cited work and peak discussion is over 20 years.

A similar spread occurs in the middle of the pack.  The five philosophers with peak citation at median ages 67-68 (the median age of peak citation for the group as a whole) produced their most-cited works at ages 30 (Karl Japsers), 42 (J. M. E. McTaggart), 45 (C. I. Lewis), 49 (Max Scheler), and 61 (Samuel Alexander).  For this group too, the typical delay between most-cited work and peak citation is about twenty years.

Although the peak age is a little later than I would have predicted based on earlier work, overall I'd say the data for early twentieth century philosophers tends to confirm trends I found in my earlier work on mid-to-late twentieth-century philosophers.  Specifically:

(1.) Philosophers produce their most influential work at a wide range of ages, but mid-40s is typical.

(2.) The peak rates of discussion of philosophers' work tends to come late in life, typically decades after they have published their most influential work.

Articles mentioning JME McTaggart, by year 1890-1980 in Edhiphy.  Note peak in the late 1930s. McTaggart's most influential publication was in 1908.

------------------------------------------------------------

[1] Edhiphy has a few peculiar gaps in birthyear data.  By far the most conspicuous are Gottlob Frege (born 1848) and Albert Einstein (1879).  However, Frege is outside my target period, and Einstein is not primarily known as a philosopher, so this shouldn't much distort the results.  Several figures with missing birthdates are psychologists (Scripture, Binet, Hering) or physicists (Bridgman, Maxwell).  H. A. Prichard is perhaps the most discussed straight philosopher born in the period whose birthdate is not recorded in Ediphy.

Philosophical Fame, 1890-1960

There's a fun new tool at Edhiphy. The designers pulled the full text from twelve leading philosophy journals from 1890 to 1980 and counted the occurrences of philosophers' names. (See note [1] for discussion of error rates in their method.)

Back in the early 2010s, I posted several bibliometric studies of philosophers' citation or discussion rates over time, mostly based on searches of Philosopher's Index abstracts from 1940 to the present. This new tool gives me a chance to update some of my thinking, using a different method and going further into the past.

One thing I found fascinating in my earlier studies was how some philosophers who used to be huge (for example, Henri Bergson and Herbert Spencer) are now hardly read, while others (for example, Gottlob Frege) have had more staying power.

Let's look at the top 25 most discussed philosophers from each available decade.

1890s:

1. Immanuel Kant
2. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
3. Aristotle
4. David Hume
5. Herbert Spencer
6. William James
7. Plato
8. John Stuart Mill
9. René Descartes
10. Wilhelm Wundt
11. Hermann Lotze
12. F. H. Bradley
13. Charles Sanders Peirce
14. Buddha
15. Thomas Hill Green
16. Benedictus de Spinoza
17. Charles Darwin
18. John Locke
19. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
20. Thomas Hobbes
21. Arthur Schopenhauer
22. Socrates
23. Hermann von Helmholtz
24. George Frederick Stout
25. Alexander Bain

Notes:

Only three of the twelve journals existed in the 1890s, so this is a small sample.

Philosophy and empirical psychology were not clearly differentiated as disciplines until approximately the 1910s or 1920s, and these journals covered both areas. (For example, the Journal of Philosophy was originally founded in 1904 as the Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Methods, shortening to the now familiar name in 1921.) Although Wundt, Helmholtz, and Stout were to some extent philosophers, they are probably better understood primarily as early psychologists. William James is of course famously claimed by both fields.

Herbert Spencer, as previously noted, was hugely influential in his day: fifth on this eminent list! Another eminent philosopher on this list (#11) who is hardly known today (at least in mainstream Anglophone circles) is Hermann Lotze.

Most of the others on the list are historical giants, plus some prominent British idealists (F. H. Bradley, Thomas Hill Green) and pragmatists (William James, Charles Sanders Peirce, Alexander Bain) and interestingly (but not representative of later decades) "Buddha". (A spot check reveals that some of these references are to Gautama Buddha or "the Buddha", while others use "buddha" in a more general sense.)

1900s:

1. Immanuel Kant
2. William James
3. Plato
4. F. H. Bradley
5. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
6. David Hume
7. Aristotle
8. Herbert Spencer
9. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
10. John Dewey
11. George Berkeley
12. John Stuart Mill
13. George Frederick Stout
14. Thomas Hill Green
15. Josiah Royce
16. Benedictus de Spinoza
17. John Locke
18. Ferdinand Canning Scott Schiller
19. Ernst Mach
20. Wilhelm Wundt
21. James Ward
22. René Descartes
23. Alfred Edward Taylor
24. Henry Sidgwick
25. Bertrand Russell

Notes:

Notice the fast rise of John Dewey (1859-1952), to #10 (#52 in the 1890s list). Other living philosophers in the top ten were James (1842-1910), Bradley (1846-1824), and for part of the period Spencer (1820-1903).

It's also striking to see George Berkeley enter the list so high (#11, compared to #28 in the 1890s) and Descartes fall so fast despite his continuing importance later (from #9 to #22). This could be statistical noise due to the small number of journals, or it could reflect historical trends. I'm not sure.

Our first "analytic" philosopher appears: Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) at #25. He turned 33 in 1905, so he found eminence very young for a philosopher.

Lotze has already fallen off the list (#29 in the 1900s; #29 in the 1910s; #63 in the 1930s, afterwards not in the top 100).

1910s:

1. Henri Bergson
2. Bertrand Russell
3. Immanuel Kant
4. Plato
5. William James
6. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
7. Aristotle
8. Socrates
9. Bernard Bosanquet
10. George Berkeley
11. F. H. Bradley
12. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
13. René Descartes
14. Josiah Royce
15. David Hume
16. Isaac Newton
17. John Dewey
18. Friedrich Nietzsche
19. Ferdinand Canning Scott Schiller
20. Arthur Schopenhauer
21. John Locke
22. Benedictus de Spinoza
23. Edwin Holt
24. Isaac Barrow
25. Johann Gottlieb Fichte

Notes:

Henri Bergson (1859-1941) debuts at #1! What a rock star. (He was #63 in the 1900s list.) We forget how huge he was in his day. Russell, who so far has had much more durable influence, rockets up to #2. It's also interesting to see Bernard Bosanquet (1848-1923), who is now little read in mainstream Anglophone circles, at #9.

Josiah Royce is also highly mentioned in this era (#14 in this list, #15 in the 1900s list), despite not being much read now. F.C.S. Schiller (1864-1937) is a similar case (#19 in this list, #18 in the 1900s list).

1920s:

1. Immanuel Kant
2. Plato
3. Aristotle
4. Bernard Bosanquet
5. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
6. F. H. Bradley
7. Bertrand Russell
8. Benedictus de Spinoza
9. William James
10. Socrates
11. John Dewey
12. Alfred North Whitehead
13. David Hume
14. George Santayana
15. René Descartes
16. Henri Bergson
17. Albert Einstein
18. C. D. Broad
19. John Locke
20. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
21. George Berkeley
22. Isaac Newton
23. James Ward
24. Samuel Alexander
25. Benedetto Croce

Notes:

I'm struck by how the 1920s returns to the classics at the top of the list, with Kant, Plato, and Aristotle as #1, #2, and #3. Bergson is already down to #16 and Russell has slipped to #7. Most surprising to me, though, is Bosanquet at #4! What?!

1930s:

1. Immanuel Kant
2. Plato
3. Aristotle
4. Benedictus de Spinoza
5. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
6. René Descartes
7. Alfred North Whitehead
8. Bertrand Russell
9. David Hume
10. John Locke
11. George Berkeley
12. Socrates
13. Friedrich Nietzsche
14. Rudolf Carnap
15. William James
16. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
17. John Dewey
18. Isaac Newton
19. Clarence Irving Lewis
20. Arthur Oncken Lovejoy
21. Albert Einstein
22. Charles Sanders Peirce
23. F. H. Bradley
24. Ludwig Wittgenstein
25. Bernard Bosanquet

Notes:

Nietzsche rises suddenly (#13; vs #56 in the 1920s list). Wittgenstein also cracks the list at #24 (not even in the top 100 in the 1920s).

With the exception of Whitehead, top of the list looks like what early 21st century mainstream Anglophone philosophers tend to perceive as the most influential figures in pre-20th-century Western philosophy (see, e.g., Brian Leiter's 2017 poll). The 1930s, perhaps, were for whatever reason a decade more focused on the history of philosophy than on leading contemporary thinkers. (The presence of historian of ideas Arthur Lovejoy [1873-1962] at #20 further reinforces that thought.)

1940s:

1. Immanuel Kant
2. Alfred North Whitehead
3. Aristotle
4. Plato
5. Bertrand Russell
6. John Dewey
7. David Hume
8. William James
9. George Berkeley
10. Charles Sanders Peirce
11. René Descartes
12. Benedictus de Spinoza
13. Edmund Husserl
14. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
15. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
16. Thomas Aquinas
17. Socrates
18. Rudolf Carnap
19. Martin Heidegger
20. G. E. Moore
21. John Stuart Mill
22. Isaac Newton
23. Søren Kierkegaard
24. A. J. Ayer
25. John Locke

Notes:

Oh, how people loved Whitehead (#2) in the 1940s!

Edmund Husserl (1859-1938) makes a posthumous appearance at #13 (#31 in the 1920s) and Heidegger (1889-1976) at #19 (#97 in the 1920s), suggesting an impact of Continental phenomenology. I suspect this is due to the inclusion of Philosophy and Phenomenological Research in the database starting 1940. Although the journal is now a bastion of mainstream Anglophone philosophy, in its early decades it included lots of work in Continental phenomenology (as the journal's title suggests).

The philosophers we now think of as the big three American pragmatists have a very strong showing in the 1940s, with Dewey at #6, James at #8, and Peirce at #10.

Thomas Aquinas makes his first and only showing (at #16), suggesting that Catholic philosophy is having more of an impact in this era.

We're also starting to see more analytic philosophers, with G. E. Moore (1873-1958), and A. J. Ayer (1910-1989) now making the list, in addition to Russell and Carnap (1891-1970).

Wittgenstein, surprisingly to me, has fallen off the list all the way down to #73 -- perhaps suggesting that if he hadn't had his second era, his earlier work would have been quickly forgotten.

1950s:

1. Immanuel Kant
2. Plato
3. Aristotle
4. Bertrand Russell
5. David Hume
6. Gilbert Ryle
7. G. E. Moore
8. Willard Van Orman Quine
9. George Berkeley
10. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
11. John Dewey
12. Alfred North Whitehead
13. Rudolf Carnap
14. Ludwig Wittgenstein
15. René Descartes
16. John Locke
17. Clarence Irving Lewis
18. Socrates
19. John Stuart Mill
20. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
21. Gottlob Frege
22. A. J. Ayer
23. William James
24. Edmund Husserl
25. Nelson Goodman

By the 1950s, the top eight are four leading historical figures -- Kant, Plato, Aristotle, and Hume -- and four leading analytic philosophers: Russell, Gilbert Ryle (1900-1976), G. E. Moore, and W. V. O. Quine (1908-2000). Neither Ryle nor Quine were among the top 100 in 1940s, so their rise to #6 and #8 was sudden.

Gottlob Frege (1848-1925) also makes his first, long-posthumous appearance.

1960s:

1. Aristotle
2. Immanuel Kant
3. Ludwig Wittgenstein
4. David Hume
5. Plato
6. René Descartes
7. P. F. Strawson
8. Willard Van Orman Quine
9. Bertrand Russell
10. J. L. Austin
11. John Dewey
12. Rudolf Carnap
13. Edmund Husserl
14. Socrates
15. Norman Malcolm
16. G. E. Moore
17. Gottlob Frege
18. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
19. George Berkeley
20. R. M. Hare
21. John Stuart Mill
22. Gilbert Ryle
23. A. J. Ayer
24. Karl Popper
25. Carl Gustav Hempel

Wittgenstein is back with a vengeance at #3. Other analytic philosophers, in order, are P. F. Strawson, Quine, Russell, Austin, Carnap, Norman Malcolm (1911-1990), Moore, Frege, R. M. Hare (1919-2002), Ryle, Ayer, Karl Popper (1902-1994), and Carl Hempel (1905-1997).

Apart from pre-20th-century historical giants, it's all analytic philosophers, except for Dewey and Husserl.

Finally, the 1970s:

1. Willard Van Orman Quine
2. Immanuel Kant
3. David Hume
4. Aristotle
5. Ludwig Wittgenstein
6. Plato
7. John Locke
8. René Descartes
9. Karl Popper
10. Rudolf Carnap
11. Gottlob Frege
12. Edmund Husserl
13. Hans Reichenbach
14. Socrates
15. P. F. Strawson
16. Donald Davidson
17. John Stuart Mill
18. Bertrand Russell
19. Thomas Reid
20. Benedictus de Spinoza
21. Nelson Goodman
22. Carl Gustav Hempel
23. John Rawls
24. Karl Marx
25. Saul Kripke

With the continuing exception of Husserl, the list is again historical giants plus analytic philosophers. Interesting to see Marx enter at #24. Hans Reichenbach (1891-1953) has a strong debut at #13. Ryle's decline is striking, from #6 in the 1950s to #22 in the 1960s to off the list at #51 in the 1970s.

At the very bottom of the list, #25, we see the first "Silent Generation" philosopher: Saul Kripke (1940-2022). In a recent citation analysis of the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, I found that the Silent Generation has so far had impressive overall influence and staying power in mainstream Anglophone philosophy. It would be interesting to see if this influence continues.

The only philosopher born after 1800 who makes both the 1890s and the 1970s top 25 is John Stuart Mill. Peirce and James still rank among the top 100 in the 1970s (#58 and #86). None of the other stars of the 1890s -- Spencer, Herbert, Lotze, Bradley, Green -- are still among the top 100 by the 1970s, and I think it's fair to say they are hardly read except by specialists.

Similar remarks apply to most of the stars of the 1900s, 1910s, and 1920s: Bergson, Bosanquet, Royce, Schiller, C. D. Broad, and George Santayana are no longer widely read. Two exceptions are Russell, who persists in the top 25 through the 1970s, and Dewey who falls from the top 25 but still remains in the top 100, at #87.

Also, in case you didn't notice: no women or people of color (as we would now classify them) appear on any of these lists, apart from "Buddha" in the 1890s.

In my recent Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy analysis, the most-cited living philosophers were Timothy Williamson, Martha Nussbaum, Thomas Nagel, Frank Jackson, John Searle, and David Chalmers. However, none of them is probably as dominant now as Spencer, James, Bradley, Russell, Bosanquet, and Bergson were at the peak of their influence.

---------------------------------------

[1] The Edhiphy designers estimate "82%-91%" precision, but I'm not sure what that means. I'd assume that "Wittgenstein" and "Carnap" would hit with almost 100% precision. Does it follow others might be as low as 40%? There certainly are some problems. I noticed, for example, that R. Jay Wallace, born in 1957, has 78 mentions in the 1890s. I spot checked "Russell", "Austin", "James", and "Berkeley", finding only a few false positives for Russell and Austin (e.g., misclassified references to legal philosopher John Austin). I found significantly more false positives for William James (including references to Henry James and some authors with the first name James, such as psychologist James Ward), but still probably not more than 10%. For "Berkeley" there were a similar number of false positives referencing the university or city. I didn't attempt to check for false negatives.

[Bosanquet and Bergson used to be hugely influential]